龚鹏程x斯特格｜日常生活的重建

龚鹏程对话海外学者第五十九期：在后现代情境中，被技术统治的人类社会，只有强化交谈、重建沟通伦理，才能获得文化新生的力量。这不是谁的理论，而是每个人都应实践的活动。龚鹏程先生遊走世界，并曾主持过“世界汉学研究中心”。我们会陆续推出“龚鹏程对话海外学者”系列文章，请他对话一些学界有意义的灵魂。范围不局限于汉学，会涉及多种学科。以期深山长谷之水，四面而出。

布丽吉特·斯特格教授（Dr Brigitte Steger）

剑桥大学现代日本研究副教授。

龚鹏程教授：您好。您发展的文化历史和日常生活人类学，很有意思。过去，黑泽明拍戏时，为了确定古代武士吃饭的时间，很费了一番考证。因为不同朝代人吃两餐还是三餐、什么时候吃，还是很不一样的。而这些生活细节，有时文献记载反而不清楚。中国古代诗话经常考证诗人杜甫、白居易那时长安米价多少钱，即是如此。您研究睡眠时间，也具有这种意义，可就此聊聊吗？

布丽吉特·斯特格：龚教授，您好。人们认为自己的饮食、睡眠和洗澡习惯是理所当然的，所以他们很少写到这些习惯。这样，从历史资料中研究日常习惯就会非常费时费力。尽管每个人都认为它们是自然而然的，但在当代社会，而且在不同的历史时段，这些习惯又是多种多样的，它们在很大程度上揭示了每个社会的主要价值观。

在许多社会中，家庭生活都是围绕着厨房和用餐场所进行的。因此，在一千年前的日本文学名著中，如《枕草子》和《源氏物语》很少提到食物和吃饭的地方，多少有些令人惊讶。相反，正如我在即将出版的关于平安时代日本睡眠习惯的书中所论述的那样，家庭其实是围绕睡眠场所构建形成的。

在我的研究中，我发现贵族女孩在其成年仪式上会收到一张帷幔床（日语：几帐）。这种床可以确认——或者在某些情况下提升——一个女孩的社会地位，并为她的婚姻做准备。当一个男人追求一个女人时，他会在她的帷幔后面与她交谈，经过三个晚上的交流与诗歌对答后，他们就会交换誓言。因此，女人的卧室是建立婚姻、生育孩子和度过大量家庭时间的地方。

这与其他文化中由新郎家庭提供嫁妆的习俗完全不同。这表明平安时代的日本贵族家庭有很强的母系因素。尽管有来自中国的父权制影响，可婚姻往往是由父母为家庭而不是为个人安排的。

您问到了睡眠时间。我们常常认为，在电灯发明之前，人们从黄昏睡到黎明，只在有日照的时间段内活动。但这并不是真实的情况。事实上，有证据表明，在整个历史中，无论是为了工作还是为了娱乐，都有活跃的夜生活，也有许多关于白天睡眠的故事。

您可能知道，我曾研究过日本的小憩习惯（日语：居眠り）——就是在做着某件事情的时候打瞌睡，比如坐火车或参加商务会议——而且我发表在BBC未来频道的一篇文章已经被翻译成中文。

日本人经常以如下方式向我解释小憩的普遍性：在日本的生活是如此繁忙，以至于我们经常疲惫不堪，白天只要有安静的时刻就会忍不住打瞌睡；我们能够通过这种方式来弥补晚上的睡眠不足，是因为日本是一个特别安全的国家。然而，通过对睡眠的历史研究，我们发现，自古以来，在旁人在场的环境中打瞌睡是很常见的，而且从来都不限于生活方式繁忙或生活在安全环境中的人。

在流行文化中，只有武士被认为能够在睡觉时保持警惕。在黑泽明的电影《七武士》中，同名的英雄们保护着一个农民村庄，并在晚上轮流守夜。菊千代自称是武士，但实际上他是农民出身。其中一个桥段是他陷入了沉睡，而他的两位同袍证明了在真正遭遇危险时，他是多么不堪一击。另一方面，作为武士美德的缩影，久藏则常以坐姿拥剑而眠。当他察觉到了危险的来临，就迅速消失在树林中，在其他一直醒着的人察觉到声音之前击杀袭击者。这与先前谈到的小憩习惯类似，皆为一种以不完全昏睡的方式获得睡眠的方式。

People take their eating, sleeping and bathing habits for granted, so they seldom write about them. This makes it very difficult and time consuming to research everyday habits from historical sources. Even though everyone thinks of them as natural, there is great diversity in such habits in contemporary society as well as historically and they reveal much about the key values in each society.

In many societies family life revolves around the kitchen and the dining place. Thus it is somewhat surprising to discover that food and the eating place are seldom mentioned in well-known works of Japanese literature from a thousand years ago, such as The Pillow Book and The Tale of Genji. Instead, as I argue in my forthcoming book on sleep habits in Heian-period Japan, families were constituted in and around the sleeping place. In my research I discovered that aristocratic girls received a curtained bed on the occasion of their coming-of-age ceremony. Such a bed served to confirm – or in some cases to elevate – a girl’s social status and prepare her for marriage. When a man was courting a woman, he would visit her behind her curtains, and after three nights followed by an exchange of poems they would exchange vows. Thus, a woman’s bedroom was the place in which a marriage was established, children created and much family time was spent. This is quite different from the custom of a dowry given to the bridegroom’s family in other cultures. It shows that there was a strong matrilineal element to aristocratic families in Heian Japan, despite the patriarchal influence from China and the fact that marriages were often arranged by parents for the sake of the family rather than the individual.

You asked about sleep times. We often assume that before the invention of electric light people slept from dusk to dawn and stayed awake throughout the hours of daylight. But this is not the true picture. There is, in fact, evidence of an active nightlife throughout history, both for work and for pleasure, and also many stories about daytime sleep.

You may be aware that I have studied the habit of inemuri in Japan – dozing off while officially doing something else, such as riding on a train or attending a business meeting – and that one of my articles which was published on BBC Future has been translated into Chinese. Japanese people have often explained the prevalence of inemuri to me in the following way: Life in Japan is so busy that we are constantly exhausted and cannot help dozing off during the day whenever there is a quiet moment; we are able to make up for lack of sleep at night in this way because Japan is such a safe country. However, through studying sleep historically, it has become evident that dozing off in the company of others has been common since ancient times and has never been restricted to people with busy lifestyles or those living in a safe environment.

In popular culture, it is only the samurai who are believed to be able to stay alert while asleep. In Kurosawa’s film ‘The Seven Samurai’ the eponymous heroes protect a peasant village and take turns to keep watch at night. Kikuchiyo, who claims to be a samurai but is actually of peasant stock, falls into a deep sleep and two of his comrades demonstrate how easily he could be overcome in the event of a real attack. Kyūzō, on the other hand, as the epitome of samurai virtue, sleeps in the sitting position while embracing his sword. He senses approaching danger and quickly disappears into the woods and kills the attackers before the others, who have been awake, have detected a sound. Inemuri is a way to catch some shut-eye without withdrawing completely.

龚鹏程教授：我觉得中国人和日本人的文化历史，和日常生活是息息相关的。例如吃饭，三餐性质不同，会分开处理，吃的东西不一样。睡觉，早、午、晚也不同。吃药，尤其慎重，早或晚、饭前还是饭后，都不同。也就是要考虑生活之物的“时间性”。

一天如此，扩大到一月或一年，那就更讲究，以至于非常强调“月令之学”。令，就是生活的号令、规律。事实上，这也是了解中国和日本人日常生活的总纲领，目前日本比中国保存得还好。您在这方面，有何观察？

布丽吉特·斯特格教授：在七世纪，日本政府引进了基于中国唐朝法律和法典的律令管理制度。这包括引入一套日历和时间系统，以十二生肖与阴阳五行的干支组合为基础。因此，日本成为中国宇宙论的一部分，基于时间计算的占卜对宫廷中人们的日常生活产生了重大影响。此外，文官必须学习中国的经典，以及数学、天文学和历法学。

然而，在实践中，日本的行政管理模式很快就与更严格的中国制度产生了分歧。日本贵族对科学没有表现出极大的热情，往往把掌握这种技能的工作留给下层。相反，他们更喜欢对美的追求，他们经常在诗歌中表达这种追求。吃饭和睡觉等日常活动很少按照官方公布的十二时辰来安排，人们更关注其他的报时信号。

例如，早晨的第一声鸡鸣标志着一天的开始，也标志着与情人过夜的男人应该回家了。人们喜欢在一年中观察自然界——无论是花、雪还是萤火虫——并根据季节变化更换他们的衣服。

In the seventh century, the Japanese government introduced the ritsuryō system of administration based on the laws and codes of Tang China. This included the introduction of a calendar and time system based on a sexagenary cycle of zodiacs and basic elements. Thus Japan became part of the Chinese cosmology with divination based on time calculations exerting a significant influence on people’s daily lives at court. In addition, civil servants had to study the Chinese classics, as well as mathematics, astronomy and calendar science.

However, in practice the Japanese model of administration soon came to diverge from the more rigorous Chinese system. Japanese aristocrats displayed no great enthusiasm for science and often left the mastery of such skills to the lower ranks. Instead, they preferred the pursuit of beauty, which they often expressed in their poetry. Everyday activities such as eating and sleeping were rarely scheduled according to the officially announced zodiac hours and people paid more attention to other time signals. For instance, it was the first cock’s crow in the morning that signalled the start of the day and the time when a man who had spent the night with his lover should return home. People loved to observe the natural world throughout the year – be it blossoms, the snow or fireflies – and they adjusted their clothes to the changing seasons.

龚鹏程教授：您提到：灾难之后，可以通过重构传统家庭组织和日常活动来恢复心理正常。这也是很有趣的。因为扩大到社会也常这样，例如战争、社会剧烈转型，都常引生传统伦理的回归。例如中国改革开放以来，经济生活愈来愈好，老一辈人愈不满，期待伦理回归愈甚。

可是，这从个人说，可能是要经由重建传统威权秩序以“恢复正常”。从国家或社会说，却可能是重新强化了威权组织与秩序。您觉得我们该为此担忧吗？

布丽吉特·斯特格教授：撇除灾难或战争等突如其来会威胁生命的情况之外，无法知晓未来的生活状态是会产生极大的不安全感的。人们有强烈的愿望建立确定性，并经常表达了对“恢复正常”的期许，即使这种 "正常 "并不那么尽如人意。也显然，人们似乎回到了更古朴、更保守的传统或美德体系中，这是事实。

例如，性别不平等在危机中往往会变得更加明显。2011年3月日本发生海啸灾难后，女性失去工作的比例高于男性，因为她们倾向于在当地工作，而她们的工作场所被摧毁。

政治强化了这一趋势。清理废墟和开始重建城镇创造了新的工作机会，但这些工作主要是为男性提供的，而女性则主要从事照顾家庭和社区的无偿工作。

同样的情况也可在新冠疫情期间看到，"在家工作 "的妇女在照顾不能上学的孩子方面往往比她们的丈夫发挥更大的作用。

卫生/清洁/整洁与社会秩序之间总是存在着密切的关系。当我研究海啸疏散庇护所的日常生活时，我观察到正是清洁与烹饪等这类日常程序帮助人们重新掌控他们的生活；这些活动并没有使他们的房屋和城镇恢复原状，但它们让人们知道如何战胜生活中的小挑战。

在疫情中，卫生习惯主要用于保护人们的健康和维护社会秩序，但它们也有可能被当局滥用，成为对人们的生活施加更大控制的手段。我们必须对此保持高度警惕。

Apart from the immediate threat to life during a disaster or war, not knowing how one can live in the future is extremely disconcerting. People have a strong desire to establish certainty and often express the wish to ‘return to normal,’ even when their ‘normal’ was not so great. It is certainly true that people seem to return to older, more conservative structures and virtues. For instance, gender inequality tends to become more pronounced in a crisis. After the March 2011 tsunami disaster in Japan, a greater proportion of women lost their jobs than men, as they tended to work locally and their workplaces had been destroyed. Politics reinforced this trend. New jobs were created to clear the rubble and begin rebuilding the towns, but these were primarily for men while women did the mostly unpaid work of caring for the household and community. The same trend can be seen during the coronavirus pandemic with women who are ‘working from home’ often playing a greater role than their husbands in looking after children who cannot attend school.

There is always an intimate relationship between sanitation/cleanliness/orderliness and social order. When I studied daily life in tsunami evacuation shelters, I observed that cleaning routines and cooking helped people to regain control of their lives; such activities did not bring back their houses and towns, but they were small challenges that people knew how to master. In the case of the pandemic, sanitation practices are primarily used to protect people’s health and preserve social order, but they are also open to abuse by the authorities as a means of exerting greater control over people’s lives. We have to be very vigilant about this.

龚鹏程，1956年生于台北，台湾师范大学博士，当代著名学者和思想家。著作已出版一百五十多本。

办有大学、出版社、杂志社、书院等，并规划城市建设、主题园区等多处。讲学于世界各地。并在北京、上海、杭州、台北、巴黎、日本、澳门等地举办过书法展。现为中国孔子博物馆名誉馆长、美国龚鹏程基金会主席。