国际顶刊撰文：“中欧就像一对结婚五十年的老夫妻”

编者按：2026年初，欧洲多国元首相继访华，高层互动频密。此轮外交热潮的背景，正延续着2025年中欧建交50周年所开启的对话新气象。中国人民大学重阳金融研究院院长、全球领导力学院院长王文在国际期刊杂志《外交世界》（Diplomatic World）撰文指出，中欧亟需一场认知层面的“重启”。双方的共性远大于分歧，不应让舆论差异阻碍必要合作，应将对方视为伙伴关系、发展机遇与友谊的源泉，而非冲突或零和博弈的对手。

▲原文发表于《外交世界》（Diplomatic World）中欧外交关系建立50周年纪念特刊

柏林飞到纽约要多久？九个多小时，飞越茫茫大洋。柏林飞到北京呢？九小时五分钟——是的，中国远比大多数欧洲人想象中更近。

但对许多欧洲人而言，中国依然显得“遥不可及”，是一片远在重洋之外的神秘土地。我认为这种距离感并非地理上的，而是心理上的，既不合时宜，也错置了焦点。

在中欧正式建交50周年之际，我们有必要叩问：横亘于双方之间的鸿沟，是否真如外界渲染的那般深不可测？

中欧同属悠久文明的传承者，都崇尚包容性社会，奉行独立自主的外交政策，致力于走低碳发展道路。双方都反对利用关税扭曲全球贸易，都支持以《联合国宪章》为基础的多边秩序，也都渴望实现持久和平。更重要的是，中欧之间不存在边界争端、军事驻扎、政治依附或经济从属关系。

这种相对平等的状态，挑战了那种将双方置于根本对立面的流行叙事。从历史维度看，“东西方割裂论”其实被过度夸大了——且往往是双方共同夸大的结果。

在人与思想流动速度空前的今天，或许我们正需要开启一个重新认识彼此的新阶段。

在我看来，中欧就像一对结婚五十年的老夫妻，整天吵吵闹闹，却浑然不觉彼此已大不相同，也忘了彼此之间依然有许多共同点。双方显然需要以崭新目光重新打量对方，开启新的篇章。

在此谨建议欧洲在三大关键领域更新对华认知：

第一，中国已非昔日经济弱国

50年间，中国已成为欧盟最大贸易伙伴。1978年中国GDP不足欧洲经济共同体的6%，到2024年已达18.7万亿美元，逼近欧盟的19.4万亿美元。若按购买力平价计算，中国经济规模已是欧洲的1.4倍。如今中欧贸易额突破7800亿美元，支撑着约300万个欧洲就业岗位，双向投资从近乎为零跃升至近2600亿美元。无论是宁德时代在图林根的电池工厂、比亚迪在匈牙利的新能源乘用车生产基地，还是TCL在波兰的制造基地，都在为欧洲创造实实在在的效益。

第二，中国正经历快速城市化与科技崛起

半个世纪前，中国约九成人口居住在农村；如今城镇化率已近70%。无论是北京、上海、深圳、成都、广州、重庆这些常住人口超2000万的超大城市，还是全国105个人口过百万的城市，其公共安全、街道整洁度与交通效率皆可与欧洲城市比肩。过去十年中国科技投入持续增长，在人工智能、大数据、物联网、云计算、区块链等领域已跻身全球引领者行列。中欧技术代差正在缩小，两地科学家日益开展平等协作。许多中国人将生活质量的提升归功于此，他们依然敬重欧洲作为技术先驱的历史遗产，同时驳斥关于人权与窃取知识产权的指控。

第三，中国军力增强但无意扮演全球警察

作为世界第二大经济体，中国军费开支亦居全球第二。中国持续发展航母、洲际导弹、核潜艇、无人机、北斗卫星导航系统和第六代战机等军事能力，旨在避免百年前濒临“殖民地化”与亡国的屈辱历史重演，并消除20世纪60年代美苏核讹诈的威胁。西方批评者常忽视的是：基于自身历史经验，中国始终警惕军国主义陷阱——无论是20世纪30年代的纳粹德国与日本，还是21世纪美国的对外军事干预，都是前车之鉴。

“家不和，则不立”。每个军事强国都追求国家统一与安全，正如19世纪60年代的林肯、19世纪70年代的俾斯麦和20世纪80年代的撒切尔夫人所为。中国仍是唯一未实现完全统一的主要经济体。中国致力于和平统一，但绝不容忍外部势力干涉。某些欧洲舆论对中国台湾问题的炒作，反而助长了中国的民族主义情绪。尽管如此，中国复兴进程将继续推进，坚持和平统一方针，同时不承诺放弃使用武力。

一个强大的中国不会成为全球不稳定因素。中国从未输出难民、战争、灾难或恐怖主义，反而持续提供商品、投资、游客、技术，并以公平正义的承诺制衡霸权力量。试想：若无中国对美国关税的对等反制，美国会暂停对他国加税吗？若无中国推动贸易自由化与多边低关税政策，欧洲的抵抗能否奏效？若无中国持续践行气候承诺，欧洲数十年来倡导的低碳未来还有多少分量？

显然，当前中欧正面临日益不确定的全球格局。我们未来的关系必须超越“合作伙伴、竞争者、制度性对手”这种先入为主的“三重定位”，转向聚焦人类进步、国家发展与社会福祉的务实合作。对中国而言，欧洲不应再被简单归入“西方”概念，而应正视其战略自主性与独特价值。

中国应充分认识欧洲在全球产业链中的关键作用：德国的汽车机械与化工医疗设备、法国的核能与航空航天、英国的生物医药与金融服务、荷兰的农业科技与环保技术等。在这些高端领域的合作，将有力增进双方战略互信。长期以来，欧洲既是中国经济竞争者，也是塑造多极化国际秩序的重要伙伴，更是全球议题的关键利益攸关方。

简言之，中欧亟需一场认知层面的“重启”。我们必须承认彼此的共性远大于分歧，不应让舆论差异阻碍必要合作。双方应将对方视为伙伴关系、发展机遇与友谊的源泉，而非冲突或零和博弈的对手。

2025年5月的发展态势令人鼓舞：中欧议会间交流限制解除后，立法机构交往全面重启，预示着更深层的理解与合作。这将帮助双方化解猜疑，走向持续健康稳定的发展道路。

英文原文

China and Europe are more aligned than they think

Wang Wen

Ever flown from Berlin to New York? It takes nine hours and 10 minutes, over an ocean. Berlin to Beijing? Take a guess. Nine hours, five minutes. In other words, China is closer than most Europeans might think.

Yet for many Europeans, China still feels "out there," a far away mystical land, separated by more than oceans and continents.

I submit this distance is psychological, not geographical. And it is as anachronistic as it is misplaced.

After 50 years of formal diplomatic relations, It is worth asking whether the perceived gulf between China and Europe is really as vast as, it's made out to be.

Both sides are heirs to long civilization traditions, value inclusive societies, maintain independent foreign policies and pursue low-carbon development.Both oppose the use of tariffs to distort global trade and support a multilateral order based on the UN Charter. Both aspire to lasting peace.

Mare importantly,there is no border dispute,military garrison, political dependence or economic subordination between China and Europe.

These conditions of relative equality challenge the popular narrative that the two are fundamentally opposed. Historically the East-West divide has been overstated, and by both sides.

At a time when people and ideas move faster than ever, perhaps it is time for a new phase of mutual recognition.

Personally, I see China and Europe more like an old couple who have been married for 50 years. They bicker away and nag each other without noticing how much they have both changed - or how much they still share.

To a more objective observer, It is obvious that both sides need to look at each other with fresh eyes and start anew.

I humbly suggest that Europe needs to adjust its understanding of China in three key areas.

FIRST, CHINA IS NO LONGER ECONOMICALLYWEAK

In 50 years, China has become the EU's largest trading partner in 1978 China's GDP was less than 6 percent of that of the European Economic Community. By2024,it reached USD18.7 trillion- near the EU's USD 19.4 trillion. Measured by purchasing power,China's economy is 1.4 times larger than Europe's.

EU-China trade now exceeds USD 780 billion, supporting an estimated three million European jobs. Two-way investment has grown from almost zero to nearly USD260 billion. The CATL battery factory in Thuringia, Germany, BYD's new energy passenger car production base in Hungary and TCL's manufacturing base in Poland are all benefiting Europe.

SECOND, CHINA HAS RAPIDLY URBANISED ANDINVESTED IN TECHNOLOGY

Fifty years ago, about 90 percent of China's population lived in rural areas. Today, nearly 70 percent live in cities. Whether in megacities like Beijing, Shanghai, Shenzhen, Chengdu, Guangzhou or Chongqing -each with populations over 20 million - or in one of China's 105 cities with more than one million residents,public safety, clean streets and efficient transportation are on par with cities in Europe.

Over the past decade, China's investment in science and technology has steadily increased, with the country emerging as a global leader in fields such as Artificial Intelligence (Al), big data, the Internet of Things, cloud computing and blockchain. As a result,the technology gap between China and Europe is narrowing. Scientists in both regions are increasingly collaborating as equals.

Many Chinese credit this progress with improving quality of life and continue to respect Europe's legacy as.a technological pioneer, while rejecting accusations related to human rights and intellectual property theft.

THIRD, CHINA IS MILITARILY STRONGER BUTDOES NOT SEEK TO ACT AS A GLOBAL POLICE-MAN INVOLVED IN ENDLESS CONFLICTS

As the world's second-largest economy, China is the second-largest military spender. China continues to advance its military capabilities, developing aircraft carriers, intercontinental missiles, nuclear submarines, drones, the Beidou satellite navigation system and sixth-generation aircraft. These efforts aim to prevent a repeat of the historical humiliations of near-colonization and near-extermination a century ago, and to eliminate the threat of nuclear blackmail China faced from the United States and the Soviet Union during the 1960s. What Western critics often ignore is that, due to its own historical experiences, China has consistently avoided the pitfalls of militarism. The experiences of Germany under Adolf Hitler and imperial Japan during the 1930s,as well as the United States' military interventions in the 21st century, serve as cautionary examples.

"A house divided against itself cannot stand."Every military power pursues national unity and security, not just as Abraham Lincoln in the 1860s, Otto von Bismarck in the 1870s and Margret Thatcher in the 1980s. China remains the only major economy without full national unity.

Beijing is committed to peaceful reunification with Taiwan but will not tolerate external interference in that process. Some European commentary on Taiwan fuels nationalist resentment in China. Despite this, China's national rejuvenation continues, pursuing peaceful reunification while not ruling out the use of force.

A strong China is not a source of global instability. It has not exported refugees, wars, disasters or terrorists. Instead, it has contributed goods, investment, tourists, technology and a commitment to fairness and justice as a counterbalance to hegemonic power. Let's take a look at the Trump tariffs, for example.

Without China's reciprocal measures against US tariffs, would the US have suspended tariff increases on other countries? Without China's push for trade liberalisation and multilateral low-tariff policies, would Europe's resistance have been effective?And without China's continued climate efforts, would Europe's decades-long call for a low-carbon future hold weight? It is clear that China and Europe today face an increasingly uncertain global landscape. Our future relationship must move beyond the preconceived “triple positioning” of partners, competitors or institutional opponents and instead focus on pragmatic cooperation that advances human progress, national development and social welfare.

For China, Europe must be seen beyond the imagined concept of “the West” and acknowledged for its strategic autonomy and importance.

China should recognise Europe's key role in the global industrial chain: Germany's automotive machinery and chemical medical equipment, France's nuclear energy and aerospace industries, the UK's biomedicine and financial services, and the Netherlands' agricultural technology and environmental protection.

Cooperation in these advanced fields could deepen mutual strategic trust. Europe has long been China's economic competitor, a vital partner in shaping a multipolar international order and a stakeholder in global issues. In short, China and Europe need a conceptual reset to adjust their perceptions.

We must acknowledge that our similarities outweigh our differences. Differences in public opinion must not obstruct necessary cooperation. Both sides need to see each other as sources of partnership, profit and friendship rather than conflict or zero-sum rivalry.

Developments in May this year suggest progress in this direction after China and the European Parliament agreed to lift restrictions on mutual exchanges. The full resumption of legislative exchanges promises deeper understanding and cooperation, helping both sides overcome suspicion and move toward sustained,healthy and stable development.